An Open Letter to the Bishops

Your Excellencies, I am writing this letter from my heart, I am expressing myself as a faithful lay person. I am doing this in my baptismal vocation to voice out what I know is right as a Catholic. I am doing this in good faith with one motive: to express my thoughts regarding politics and the way our Church is dealing with it. I am not worried about what people will say or think about me writing you.  I am more worried about what God will say about me if I do not share you these thoughts which are based from my personal views, experiences and observations.

 “Why Are We What We Are Today…?”

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in its 1997 Pastoral Exhortation on Philippine Politics asked the question: Why are we what we are today- a country with a great number of poor and powerless people?

The CBCP answered its own question in this manner: “Philippine politics, the way it is practiced has been most hurtful for us as a people, it is possibly the biggest bane in our life as a nation as a nation and the most pernicious obstacle to our achieving full development.  If we are what we are today- a country with great number of poor and powerless people- one reason is we have allowed politics to be debased and prostituted to the level it is now.”

The Bishops’ Call to the Laity

Expressing concern for this sorry state of affairs in the country due to politics, in 1991, during the PCP II, the bishops, have collectively called upon the laity to actively participate in politics. “In the Philippines today given the general perception that politics has become an obstacle to integral development, the urgent necessity is for the lay faithful to participate more actively, with singular competence and integrity, in political affairs. It is through the laity that the Church is directly involved” Quoting PCP II, the bishops further said, “Our Plenary Council stands on record to urge lay faithful to participate actively and lead in the renewing of politics in accordance with values of the Good News of Jesus.”

Probably, the bishops then asked, and still perhaps are asking these critical questions: Who is going to respond to this call? Who is willing to begin? What needs to be started? Are there lay men and women out there with ideas and vision who are ready to restore the temporal order and bring back God at the center of politics?

Responding to the Bishops’ Call

In response to this call of PCP II, in August 2002, Nandy Pacheco, along with other lay faithful, formed the Kapatiran sa Pangkalahatang Kabutihan (KPK).  This was our way of eloquently expressing our “Christian obedience” to our bishops as Church leaders.

KPK was established to develop an enlightened, mature, and responsible citizenry from which servant-leaders can be chosen, through character-building, values formation based on the Social Teaching of the Church, consistent ethic of life, good citizenship, catechesis and political education, and to encourage the formation of responsible and accountable political parties. This is in accord with the pronouncement of Pope Benedict XVI when he said “the specific mission of the laity is Christian action in the public sphere, where they act on their own initiative and in an independent manner, in the light of faith and the Church’s teaching.

It is worthy to note that it is not the purpose of KPK (now Ang Kapatiran Party) to lead this country by using the Catholic dogma.  That would be dictatorship. We party members are neither minions of the Catholic bishops. That would be indentured servitude.

AKP has clear and specific objectives in its platform-based politics, the politics of virtue and of duty, and politics of transparency and public accountability, and to draw up a list of aspirations. Examples of these objectives are the abolition of pork barrel, family political dynasties, fighting the RH law, gambling and promoting gun control.

On May 8, 2004, two days before the national elections, the Commission on Elections accredited the Alliance for the Common Good, otherwise known as Ang Kapatiran Party, as a national political party.  The party took part in the 2007 elections with three senatorial candidates and some local candidates.  In 2010, Ang Kapatiran Party had a presidential candidate and vice presidential candidate and seven senatorial candidates.  We AKP candidates lost the elections but did not lose the Catholic principles which got us involved in politics. Indeed, we accepted the challenge to run for elective positions (I ran for a senate seat) under AKP. But we didn’t get enough support from our own flock including our church.  Many of our brethren thought we AKP candidates were outlandish.  They thought that our efforts were inutile that we cannot outsmart those candidates who were popular and moneyed.   Indeed, we AKP candidates were not only aware of the financial difficulties of the party but also we were willing to be misunderstood and, worse, ridiculed.

Ang Kapatiran Party (now Kapatiran Party) is the only political party, a laity-organized party that seriously responded to the call of the bishops by bringing forth strong lay leadership specifically focused on the renewal of the temporal order.   It is the only political party that has a role model in the persons of St. Thomas More and the late president Ramon Magsaysay.  It has a theme song whose title is “Pananagutan” which expresses the very essence of what Ang Kapatiran Party is all about. It is the only party that pursues and accepts Christ’s peace with love, justice, truth, reconciliation, freedom and active non-violence.

No less than the late Eminence Jaime Cardinal Sin referred to Kapatiran as “a group of concerned Catholic laity who wanted to contribute to the social transformation by raising the political awareness and maturity of our people.”  Certainly, AKP is the closest political party that the Church has in mind because it champions a wide spectrum of Her teachings as part of its platform of government.

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Junk Villar!

Manifesto of the Federation of Free Farmers (FFF) and the Federation of Free Farmers Cooperatives (FFFC)

During its recent annual national meetings, the National Convention and National Policy Board (NPB) of the Federation of Free Farmers (FFF) and the General Assembly and National Board of Directors of the Federation of Free Farmers Cooperatives (FFFC) unanimously resolved to aggressively campaign against the candidacy of Senator Cynthia Villar who is running for re-election to the Senate.

The FFF and FFFC have taken note of the series of actions of Senator Villar which have been seriously detrimental to the interests of the millions of small farmers in the country, to wit:

  1. Senator Villar was the principal author and proponent of the Rice Tariffication Law (RA 11203).  The country was obliged under our commitments to the World Trade Organization (WTO) only to remove the quantitative restrictions (QRs) on rice imports and replace them with tariffs.  Senator Villar however pushed for a law which also deregulated and liberalized the rice industry and removed most of the powers of the National Food Authority (NFA) to monitor and regulate the industry, thus making it easier for smugglers and unscrupulous grains businessmen to take advantage of both consumers and farmers.  The Rice Tariffication Law also clipped the functions of the NFA both in terms of supplying cheap rice to poor consumers and providing farmers with a support price in case farmgate prices go down drastically.  The law further removed the option of the government under WTO rules to reimpose quanti-tative restrictions on imports when needed, not only for rice but for all other crops.
    Even before the Law could take effect, palay prices have already gone down to as low as P14 per kilo, or P6 per kilo lower than their levels last year.  If this trend continues, farmers will end up losing P75 billion in 2019 alone for the palay they sell to the local market.  Once the tariffication law takes effect, more imports are expected to come in and further depress prices, resulting in even more losses to farmers who are already reeling from the effects of the El Nino drought. 
    Poor consumers are also expected to suffer because of the Tariffication Law provision that NFA’s buffer stocks can only be released during calamities and emergencies.  Additionally, NFA will now be required to sell at at least break-even prices, and will probably auction its stocks to the highest bidders.  This means that the P27 NFA rice will most probably disappear from the market and poor consumers will now have to spend more to buy rice in the open market.
    Senator Villar is directly responsible for the harm that the Rice Tariffication Law will surely bring to consumers and farmers.  During the Senate hearings, she refused to listen to the concerns of farmer representatives and heed their advise on how to cushion the effect of rice tariffication on rice farmers.  
  2. As Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Senator Villar was also responsible for sitting on the consolidated Senate Coconut Levy bill during the 16th Congress and then the crafting of the revised Coconut Level bill in the current 17th Congress which President Duterte eventually vetoed.  This has led to further delays in the utilization of the coconut levy funds for the benefit of coconut farmers, all of whom have been suffering from the extremely low prices for copra and raw coconut.
  3. Senator Villar has also failed to conduct any substantive hearing on various bills filed in the Senate to legislate important land use policies, particularly those that will govern the conversion of agricultural lands into non-agricultural uses.  In comparison, the House of Representatives had approved and passed on third reading their own version of the Land Use Act in previous years
  4. Senator Villar has also blocked initiatives to increase the capitalization and enlarge the scope of the crop insurance program despite the fact that such a program is critical to protect farmers from recurring calamities and damages from pest and diseases.  Without crop insurance, farmers’ loans will remain unpaid and farmers will not be able to immediately recover from calamities and crop damage.
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Senatorial Candidates’ Position on Federalism

Candidates AGAINST Federalism

  1. Alejano, Garry
  2. Aquino, Bam
  3. Binay, Nancy
  4. Colmenares, Nery
  5. De Guzman, Leody
  6. Diokno, Chel
  7. Gutoc, Samira
  8. Hilbay, Pilo
  9. Javellana, RJ
  10. Macalintal, Macaromy
  11. Matula, Jose Sonny
  12. Montaño, Allan
  13. Osmena, Serge
  14. Poe, Grace
  15. Roxas, Mar
  16. Tanada, Erin
  17. Villar, Cynthia

Candidates with NO POSITION on Federalism

  1. Aguilar, Freddie
  2. Angara, Sonny
  3. Arias, Marcelino
  4. Austria, Bernard
  5. Casiño, Toti
  6. Ejercito, JV
  7. Gadon, Larry
  8. Guiyaguma, Junbert
  9. Jangao, BFG Abraham
  10. Lapid, Lito
  11. Manicad, Jiggy
  12. Meniano, Luther
  13. Roleda, Dan
  14. Sahidulla, Lady Ann
  15. Valdes, Butch

Candidates IN FAVOR of Federalism

  1. Abejo, Vangie
  2. Afuang, Abner
  3. Albani, Shariff
  4. Alfajora, Richard
  5. Alunan, Raffy
  6. Arcega, Gerald
  7. Arellano, Ernesto
  8. Baldevarona, Jonathan
  9. Caceres, Jesue
  10. Cayetano, Pia
  11. Chavez, Melchor
  12. Chong, Glenn
  13. Dela Rosa, Bato
  14. Escudero, Agnes
  15. Estrada, Jinggoy
  16. Francisco, Elmer
  17. Gaddi, Charlie
  18. Generoso, Gen Federalismo
  19. Go Bong-Go
  20. Mallillin, Emily
  21. Mangondato, Faisal
  22. Mangudadato, Dong
  23. Marcos, Imee
  24. Nalliw, Joah Sheelah
  25. Ong, Doc Willie
  26. Padilla, Dado
  27. Pimentel, Koko
  28. Ponce Enrile, Juan
  29. Revilla, Bong
  30. Tolentino, Francis

Professors for Peace Statement on Prospect for Constitutional Reforms

No To Con-Ass

We, the undersigned academics and professionals, are expressing our deep concern as regards the process of reviewing and possibly amending our Constitution.

We acknowledge the importance of discussing ways to improve governance in the country, particularly when it comes to a possible shift to a new, federal form of government. Some of us actually support federalism, while others oppose it. We have nevertheless united in this common statement to acknowledge the importance of evidence-based debate and discussion to root out the main benefits and costs of such a reform.

Given the far-reaching implications of this reform, we believe the process must be much more participatory—including not just those who are for this reform, but also those who oppose it. International policy experience and evidence suggests that constitutional reforms are more effective if deliberations are front-loaded at the crafting stage, rather than belatedly appended once these reforms are already ratified.

The present environment is not conducive to reforming the constitution. The most recent nationwide surveys of SWS and Pulse Asia last March 2018 show that only 25% of our citizens sufficiently understand our existing constitution, while only 37% support the shift to federalism. 64% are against charter change. ‘Changing the Constitution’ also ranked last in the ‘most urgent national concerns’ with only 3% of the Filipinos saying that it should be acted upon immediately.

We do not support calls to channel this reform through a Constituent Assembly.

Almost 80% of Congress is comprised of political dynasties, and the empirical evidence suggests that a majority of them may face deep conflict of interest if a new constitution aims for reforms that level the political playing field. The risk of capture by vested interests affecting our present politics is too great.

We do not support calls to postpone or cancel elections in 2019.

Finally, we believe that there are more pressing and immediate policy challenges that our leaders must address. The rising death toll linked to the anti-drugs campaign, which now includes many children and young people. The killings of political leaders and priests also further raise the spectre of injustice. Rising prices of basic commodities, transportation and other needs are also hitting the poor, our workers, and millions of low income households. If these are unresolved, then how can we credibly unite around “rule of law” and “human rights” under an amended constitution?

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Who Will Police The Police? – It’s Time to Revive and Strenghten the PLEB

People’s Law Enforcement Board Association of Rizal

by Atty. Ronaldo T. Reyes
Founding President, People’s Law Enforcement Board Association

The war against drugs has thrust the Philippine National Police (PNP) in the limelight as the lead agency to implement the administrations’ top policy to eradicate drugs and criminality. 

The rising statistics of those killed in legitimate police operations or by persons unknown with estimates as high as 20,000 since 2016 have increasingly generated grave concern among various sectors of society beyond the human rights advocates.  These statistics are coupled with an apparent low prosecution much less conviction rate of those charged as responsible for these actions.

In light of the foregoing factual antecedents, much concern has been aired about these questions:

  • Where can the people complain when there are perceived abuses committed during police operations?
  • In cases where the police operations took place in distant places, how would the people affected, namely relatives, spouses, and children be able to access the agency concerned for their grievances?
  • How certain are the people who complain that the proceedings will be transparent, fair and just?
  • In short, who will police the police?

In our attempt to answer these and other relevant questions, it is timely and proper to review the PNP organization and structure including the available mechanisms embodied in the PNP law for reliefs or redress of such grievances.

 The 1987 Constitution provides that “the State shall establish and maintain one police force which shall be national in scope and civilian in character to be administered and controlled by a national police commission”. (Sec. 6, Art. XVI Constitution)

In compliance with the foregoing mandate, the PNP was created under RA 6975 otherwise known as the “Department of the Interior and Local Government Act of 1990” as amended by RA 8551 otherwise known as the “Philippine National Police Reform and Reorganization Act of 1998.”

To emphasize the civilian character of the police, RA 6975 provides that: “Its national scope and civilian in character shall be paramount. No element of the police force shall be military nor shall any position thereof be occupied by any member of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.” (Sec. 2, RA 6975)

RA 8551 states furthermore, that the PNP shall be so organized to ensure accountability and uprightness in police exercise of discretion as well as to achieve efficiency and effectiveness of its members and units in the exercise of their functions.” Sec. 2, RA 8551)

RA 6975 as amended created several administrative disciplinary machineries of the PNP, namely: Chiefs of police, Mayors of cities or municipalities, the People’s Law Enforcement Board (PLEB), the NAPOLCOM, the Chief PNP and the various levels of police officials with jurisdiction depending on the categories of offenses. The PLEB is the most independent and powerful of these entities.

The latest implementing rules and regulations of the NAPOLCOM,  MC N o. 2016-02  entitled “Revised Rules of Procedure before the Administrative Disciplinary Authorities and the Internal Afffairs Service of the PNP” includes the following as administrative disciplinary authorities: city or municipal mayors, chiefs of police or equivalent supervisors, provincial directors or equivalent supervisors, regional directors or equivalent supervisors, People’s Law Enforcement Board, Chief of the PNP and the NAPOLCOM.

What is the PLEB and what are its powers?

The PLEB is a board composed of 5 persons from the local community with majority of its members coming from the private sector. It has jurisdiction to hear and decide citizens’ complaints or cases filed by natural or juridical persons against erring officers and members of the PNP. It shall be the central receiving entity for any citizen’s complaint against officers and members of the PNP.

What distinguishes the PLEB from other administrative disciplinary machineries and what are the advantages that citizens have in the PLEB?

1.              The PLEB has the most number of offices i.e., one in each municipality, city or legislative district, unlike other bodies which have provincial or regional offices. This is significant because it reduces the expense in time, effort, and money which the complainant will spend to prosecute the case.  Thus, Sec. 43 of  RA 6975 states:
Sec. 43 thereof provides: “Within 30 days from the issuance of the implementing rules and regulations by the Commission, there shall be created by the sangguniang panglungsod/bayan in every city and municipality such number of PLEBs as may be necessary: Provided, that there shall be at least one (1) PLEB for every municipality and for each legislative district in a city..”

2.              The ratio of the required number of PLEBs to serve the public helps assure that the PLEB will be more responsive and effective in its duty as grievance machinery. Thus, Sec. 43, RA 6975 provides that there shall be at least 1 PLEB for every 500 city or municipal police personnel.

3.              The membership of the PLEB comes from the local community appointed by the sangguniang panlunsod/bayan – one (1) member of the sangguniang panlunsod/bayan, one (1) barangay captain of the city or municipality and three (3) respected members of the community chosen by the local peace and order council known for their probity and integrity, one of whom must be a woman, one a lawyer, a college graduate, or a principal, which helps generate trust and confidence in its proceedings.  (Sec. 43 (b), RA 6975.)

4.              The PLEB has jurisdiction to hear and decide citizen’s complaints or cases filed against erring officers and members of the PNP and it is clothed with sufficient powers to discipline erring policemen including the power of withholding privileges, restriction to specified limits, forfeiture of salary, suspension for more than 30 days, demotion or dismissal from the service.  (Sec.  66, RA 8551 and MC 2016-02)

5.              The PLEB can ask any authorized supervisor for the preventive suspension of the respondent who refuses to heed the PLEB summons, or subpoena; who has been charged with offenses involving bodily harm or grave threats, who is in a position to tamper with the evidence and who can unduly influence the witnesses. (Sec. 71, RA 8551)

6.              The proceedings before the PLEB are summary in nature much like those in preliminary investigations of cases in the prosecutor’s office. 

7.                The Decisions of the PLEB are final and executory with right to appeal limited to decisions involving demotion or dismissal from the service.

What are the remedial steps required to revive and strengthen the PLEB?

1.              The  DILG  which has supervisory powers  and control over LGU mayors and the sanggunians  should direct these entities to operationalize the PLEBs in their areas;

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